Importance Work requirements are a controversial feature of US safety-net programs, with some policymakers seeking to expand their use. Little is known about the demographic, clinical, and socioeconomic characteristics of individuals most likely to be negatively impacted by work requirements.
Objective To examine the association between work requirements and safety-net program enrollment.
Design, Setting, and Participants This cohort study included Medicaid and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) enrollees in Connecticut. The impact of SNAP work requirements for able-bodied adults without dependents—the target population—was estimated using a triple-differences research design comparing outcomes before and after the policy (first difference) in affected and exempted towns (second difference) between the targeted population and untargeted parents and caregivers (third difference). SNAP and Medicaid enrollment trends were assessed for a 24-month period, and the characteristics of individuals most likely to lose coverage were examined. Data were collected from August 2015 to April 2018, and data were analyzed from August 2022 to September 2024.
Exposures The reintroduction of SNAP work requirements in 2016.
Main Outcomes and Measures Proportion of enrollees disenrolled from SNAP and Medicaid.
Results Of 81 888 Medicaid enrollees in Connecticut, 46 872 (57.2%) were female, and the mean (SD) age was 36.6 (7.0) years. Of these, 38 344 were able-bodied adults without dependents, of which 19 172 were exposed to SNAP work requirements, and 43 544 were parents or caregivers exempted from SNAP work requirements. SNAP coverage declined 5.9 percentage points (95% CI, 5.1-6.7), or 25%, following work requirements. There were no statistically significant changes in Medicaid coverage (0.2 percentage points; 95% CI, −1.4 to 1.0). Work requirements disproportionately affected individuals with more chronic illnesses, targeted beneficiaries who were older, and beneficiaries with lower incomes. Individuals with diabetes were 5 percentage points (95% CI, 0.8-9.3), or 91%, likelier to lose SNAP coverage than those with no chronic conditions; older SNAP beneficiaries (aged 40 to 49 years) with multiple comorbidities were 7.3 percentage points (95% CI, 4.3-11.3), or 553%, likelier to disenroll than younger beneficiaries (aged 25 to 29 years) without chronic conditions; and households with the lowest incomes were 18.6 percentage points (95% CI, 11.8-25.4), or 204%, likelier to lose coverage than the highest income SNAP beneficiaries.
Conclusions and Relevance In this cohort study, SNAP work requirements led to substantial reductions in SNAP coverage, especially for the most clinically and socioeconomically vulnerable. Work requirements had little effect on Medicaid coverage, suggesting they did not lead to sufficient increases in employment to transition beneficiaries off the broader safety net.
We analyze the economic consequences of rising health care prices in the US. Using exposure to price increases caused by horizontal hospital mergers as an instrument, we show that rising prices raise the cost of labor by increasing employer-sponsored health insurance premiums. A 1% increase in health care prices lowers both payroll and employment at firms outside the health sector by approximately 0.4%. At the county level, a 1% increase in health care prices reduces per capita labor income by 0.27%, increases flows into unemployment by approximately 0.1 percentage points (1%), lowers federal income tax receipts by 0.4%, and increases unemployment insurance payments by 2.5%. The increases in unemployment we observe are concentrated among workers earning between $20,000 and $100,000 annually. Finally, we estimate that a 1% increase in health care prices leads to a 1 per 100,000 population (2.7%) increase in deaths from suicides and overdoses. This implies that approximately 1 in 140 of the individuals who become fully separated from the labor market after health care prices increase die from a suicide or drug overdose.
From 2002 to 2020, there were over 1,000 mergers of US hospitals. During this period, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) took enforcement actions against 13 transactions. However, using the FTC’s standard screening tools, we find that 20% of these mergers could have been predicted to meaningfully lessen competition. We then show that, from 2010 to 2015, predictably anticompetitive mergers resulted in price increases over 5%. We estimate that approximately half of predictably anticompetitive mergers had to be reported to the FTC per the Hart-Scott-Rodino Act. We conclude that there appears to be underenforcement of antitrust laws in the hospital sector.
In this cross-sectional study, an association was observed between political party affiliation and excess deaths in Ohio and Florida after COVID-19 vaccines were available to all adults. These findings suggest that differences in vaccination attitudes and reported uptake between Republican and Democratic voters may have been factors in the severity and trajectory of the pandemic in the US.
Exploiting the random assignment of Medicaid beneficiaries to managed care plans, we find substantial plan-specific spending effects despite plans having identical cost sharing. Enrollment in the lowest-spending plan reduces spending by at least 25 percent—primarily through quantity reductions—relative to enrollment in the highest-spending plan. Rather than reducing "wasteful" spending, lower-spending plans broadly reduce medical service provision—including the provision of low-cost, high-value care—and worsen beneficiary satisfaction and health. Consumer demand follows spending: a 10 percent increase in plan-specific spending is associated with a 40 percent increase in market share. These facts have implications for the government's contracting problem and program cost growth.
There is no published national research reporting child care professionals’ physical health, depression, or stress during the COVID-19 pandemic. Given their central role in supporting children’s development, child care professionals’ overall physical and mental health is important. In this large-scale national survey, data were collected through an online survey from May 22, 2020 to June 8, 2020. We analyzed the association of sociodemographic characteristics with four physical health conditions (asthma, heart disease, diabetes, and obesity), depression, and stress weighted to national representativeness. Sociodemographic characteristics included race, ethnicity, age, gender, medical insurance status, and child care type. Our findings highlight that child care professionals’ depression rates during the pandemic were much higher than before the pandemic, and depression, stress and asthma rates were higher than U.S. adult depression rates during the pandemic. Given the essential work child care professionals provide during the pandemic, policy makers and public health officials should consider what can be done to support the physical and mental health of child care professionals.
We study the impact of changing choice set size on the quality of choices in health insurance markets. Using novel data on enrolment and medical claims for school district employees in the state of Oregon, we document that the average employee could save $600 by switching to a lower cost plan. Structural modelling reveals large “choice inconsistencies” such as non-equalization of the dollar spent on premiums and out of pocket, and a novel form of “approximate inertia” where enrolees are excessively likely to switch to other plans that are close to the current plan on the plan design spreadsheet. Variation in the number of plan choices across districts and over time shows that enrolees make lower-cost choices when the choice set is smaller. We show that a curated restriction of choice set size improves choices more than the best available information intervention, partly because approximate inertia lowers gains from new information. We explicitly test and reject the assumption that this is because individuals choose worse from larger choice sets, or “choice overload”. Rather, we show that this feature arises from the fact that larger choice sets feature worse choices on average that are not offset by individual re-optimization.